Аннотация: The scale of the global COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented. The COVID-19 vaccines have not only become an indispensable weapon for countering the pandemic, but also are the attribute of technological and scientific prestige of the countries that developed the vaccines. Although the term "vaccine diplomacy" is not new, it may have become much more relevant during the global pandemic. The goal of this research lies in the analysis of vaccine diplomacy of China, the European Union, and the Russia Federation with regards to the Republic of Serbia during the global COVID-19 pandemic. Description is given to the Serbia's participation in the own vaccine diplomacy on the global scale. The novelty of this research consists in comparative analysis of the efforts of "vaccine diplomacy" of the EU, China, and Russia towards Serbia. The research provides the latest results of the survey on the topic of Serbian citizens and their perceptions of foreign aid received during the COVID-19 pandemic. The conclusion is made that medical aid rendered by China and Russia to Serbia was well received by the Serbian government, government-aligned mass media, and society. However, the financial and medical aid provided by the European Union was neither significantly advertised by the media, nor changed the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. At the same time, the Serbian government has engaged in the own vaccine diplomacy in order to strengthen ties with the former allies of Yugoslavia from the Non-Aligned Movement.

Аннотация: The last two decades have seen the rise of right-wing parties in Europe, spurred among other things by a series of crises, the latest of which being the ongoing COVID-19 global pandemic. Finland, Sweden, Norway and Denmark did not find themselves isolated from the political and socio-economic shocks and aftershocks of such events, and right-wing populist parties and movements belonging to the Nordic region have also gained strength, sometimes even being a part of governments. However, these parties have certain characteristics that distinguish them from their counterparts in the rest of the Europe, given the specific social, political, economic and historical context of the region. Such traits can be listed as welfare chauvinism, right-wing egalitarianism, authoritarian positions on sociocultural issues, and populist, anti-establishment drive. At the same time, these parties have demonstrated their high pragmatism and ability for adaptation to the current political situation in their countries. In this work a quick overview is presented of the principles of four major right-wing parties in the Nordic region (The Finns Party, Sweden Democrats, Norwegian Progress Party, and Danish People’s Party), and the differences and similarities in their motivations are discussed.

Аннотация: The global COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented in scale and scope. The COVID-19 vaccines have not only become an indispensable weapon in the fight against the pandemic but also served as a sign of the technological and scientific prestige of the countries that developed them. While the term "vaccine diplomacy" is not new, it may have become much more relevant in times of global pandemic. The aim of this research is to analyze the vaccine diplomacy of China, the EU, and Russia towards Serbia during the global COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, the study also presents Serbia's efforts to engage in its own vaccine diplomacy at the global level. The novelty of this research can be seen in a comparative analysis of the efforts of the "vaccine diplomacy" of the EU, China, and Russia towards Serbia. In addition, this research also presents the results of the survey data on Serbian citizens and their perceptions of foreign aid received during the pandemic. It can be concluded that the Chinese and Russian medical aid to Serbia were very well received by the Serbian government, government-aligned media, and the Serbian public. Concerning the aid of the European Union, it was neither significantly advertised by the media, nor was the Serbian public perception significantly changed in the favour of the EU. At the same time, the Serbian government engaged in vaccine diplomacy of its own, to strengthen the ties with Yugoslavia's former allies from the Non-Alignment Movement.

Аннотация: The goal of this research consists in determination of impact of the Progress Party (Norway) and the Danish People's Party upon the policy of their national governments with regards to Russia. The Progress Party used to be member of the Norwegian government coalition from 2013 to 2020, while the Danish People's Party supported the Danish coalition governments from 2015 to 2019. The analysis of the origin, ideologies, political agenda, and policy of the parties give a more accurate explanation on their position towards Russia, as well as defines the level of their political willpower in influencing the government policy thereof. Research methodology is comprised of content analysis used in examination of the official documents of the Progress Party and the Danish People's Party, comparative analysis used in considering political programs of both parties, as well as various election results and other corresponding data. The conclusion is made that both parties have considerable impact upon the state policy of their countries with regards to the Russian Federation. Moreover, both of them demonstrated no political interest in making Russia the key vector in their foreign policy programs. Being neither of Russophile nor Russophobic nature, their presence in the government did not become the reason for deterioration or improvement of relations with Russia.

Аннотация: The aim of this research is to determine the degree of influence of the Progress Party (Norway) and the Danish People’s Party upon their national governments’ policies towards Russia. The Progress Party was a member of Norway’s government coalition from 2013 to 2020, while the Danish People’s Party provided support for Danish coalition governments from 2015 to 2019. The analysis of the parties’ origins, ideologies, political programs and policies more accurately explain their stances on Russia, as well as determine the levels of their political will to be involved in influencing governmental policies towards it. Methodology applied in this research consists of content analysis, which was used in the research of the official documents of the Progress Party and the Danish People’s Party; comparative analysis, which was used in the analysis of political programs of both parties, as well as various election results and other relevant data. It can be concluded that both parties have insignificant influence upon their respective governments and state policies towards the Russian Federation. Additionally, both have expressed lack of political interest for establishing Russia as the focal point in their foreign policy programs. By being neither Russophilic nor Russophobic in nature, their presence in the government was not a cause for either degradation or improvement of relations with Russia.